...more recent posts
Rudy!
-- If he's nominated, he's a real threat. Look at the governator, for example. Is Dobson playing some kind of Kabuki so that the left doesn't worry about Rudy?
josh marshall must have found his i heart gore/lieberman pin this morning and pined for the days when he would have fellated gores 2000 presidential campaign handlers given half the chance. as i vividly recall, gore ran shrieking away from his "liberal" environmentalism, not on it. and there was that thing about not winning his home state and refusing to embrace the successes and the aid of his predecessor during the campaign. which is not to say nader hasnt lost his luster in the intervening years but to continually blame him for gores failings, and the media heathers who lambasted him at every turn, is tiresome.
Words to live by: "most of it’s been verified by a ‘Freeper’"
Comment of the Day
During WWII, the Maqui (French Freedom Fighters) would set charges under the tracks of the trains carrying war material. They'd set the charges and watch. The train would round a bend, the charges would ignite. The train, too late to stop, would hit that damage. Momentum would carry it forward, spilling cargo and people, the line of cars falling off the tracks would crash into the preceding car. Accordionlike the entire lie would eventually be a smoldering pile of debris.
Thompson was like that.
chris matthews got horsewhipped (sadly not literally) by jon stewart. sure to be making the rounds tomorrow.
New Yorker: Hersh on the administrations plans for Iran.
Seymour Hersh interview in Spiegel Online.
The last Supreme Court term, which ended in June, was the stormiest in recent memory, with more 5-to-4 decisions split along ideological lines than at any time in the court’s history. In a series of controversial cases about abortion, racial integration in schools, faith-based programs and the death penalty, the court’s four more conservative justices prevailed, with Justice Anthony M. Kennedy providing the crucial fifth vote. The four more liberal justices were often moved to dissent in unusually personal and vehement terms. “It is my firm conviction,” Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in the case striking down race-based enrollment policies in public schools, “that no Member of the Court that I joined in 1975 would have agreed with today’s decision.” According to the gossip among Supreme Court law clerks, the level of tension among the justices is higher than at any point since Bush v. Gore in 2000.
Not long after beginning his tenure as chief justice in 2005, John G. Roberts Jr. announced publicly that he would try to promote unanimity and collegiality on the court. During his first months on the job, the court managed to achieve his goal, issuing a series of 9-to-0 opinions. But this past term, the court’s first full one with Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr., the brief period of harmony abruptly ended: the percentage of 5-to-4 decisions in which the four liberals were together in dissent rose to 80 percent, up from 55 percent in the 2004 term. For the foreseeable future, the court seems likely to be polarized, with the conservative bloc ascendant and the liberal bloc embattled.